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I den overopphetede globaliseringens tidsalder utgjøres 75 prosent av menneskematen av tolv plantearter og fem dyrearter. Fordelingen er selvfølgelig ikke jevn. I Afrika er 80 prosent av proteinene plantebasert, men i USA kommer 70 prosent fra animalske kilder. Med tanke på miljø og arealbruk, er planteføde langt å foretrekke fremfor kjøtt.

— Antropocen by Ole Jacob Madsen, Marius Timmann Mjaaland, Dag Olav Hessen, and 11 others

«Motherfucker», morrapuler eller morraknuller på norsk, har sin opprinnelse i 1800-tallets slaveritid, og ble ifølge afroamerikansk muntlig tradisjon brukt for å omtale den hvite mannlige slaveeieren. «Motherfucker» var den hvite mannen som voldtok mora di (den svarte kvinnen), eide avkommet om det skulle bli barn av voldtekten, og brukte dem som arbeidskraft eller solgte dem til andre slaveeiere. «Motherfucker» fungerte i afroamerikansk muntlig tradisjon som substitutt. Slaveeieren var ikke far, han var en motherfucker!

— Antropocen by Ole Jacob Madsen, Marius Timmann Mjaaland, Dag Olav Hessen, and 11 others

In this first decade of the twentieth century, a large proportion of the Jews living in Palestine were still culturally quite similar to and lived reasonably comfortably alongside city-dwelling Muslims and Christians. They were mostly ultra-Orthodox and non-Zionist, mizrahi (eastern) or Sephardic (descendants of Jews expelled from Spain), urbanites of Middle Eastern or Mediterranean origin who often spoke Arabic or Turkish, even if only as a second or third language. In spite of marked religious distinctions between them and their neighbors, they were not foreigners, nor were they Europeans or settlers: they were, saw themselves, and were seen as Jews who were part of the indigenous Muslim-majority society. Moreover, some young European Ashkenazi Jews who settled in Palestine at this time, including such ardent Zionists as David Ben-Gurion and Yitzhak Ben-Zvi (one became prime minister and the other the president of Israel), initially sought a measure of integration into the local society. Ben-Gurion and Ben-Zvi even took Ottoman nationality, studied in Istanbul, and learned Arabic and Turkish.

— The Hundred Years' War on Palestine by Rashid Khalidi

The elephant in the room in all mainstream proposals for governing and responding to ecological crisis is pious adherence to the tenets of market-led economics and statecraft. The inevitability of the price mechanism and market rationality are embedded throughout countless aspects of our lives. In this sense, green capitalism is not limited to a specific approach to policy design or type of solution; it also reflects an entrenched cultural sense of what is possible, reasonable and good. For instance, a study of media articles found that four in every five articles discussing the economy used positive language about economic growth, without the need (or perhaps the ability) to specify what the benefits of growth might be. Received common sense is that growth is a rising tide that ‘lifts all boats’, even if the gains are distributed extremely unequally, and even when this tide is lifting us toward catastrophe. This perspective – adhering to the fairness and naturalness of markets, the goodness of aggregate growth, and the inevitability of capitalism as a perhaps flawed but ultimately insurmountable system for organising our lives – dominates the governance and functioning of the global economy, as well as the prevailing agenda for confronting ecological crisis. Market-led economics and governance also hold a monopoly over what is deemed ‘utopian’ – in other words, a fruitless, silly exercise that fails to engage with practical realities. In this way, green capitalism has been allowed to function as ‘the adult in the room’, to the detrimental exclusion of alternative perspectives on how best to confront ecological crisis.

— Value of a Whale by Adrienne Buller