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I 1979 ble det produsert et undervisningshefte for det norske militærpolitiet som påstod at det med sovjetisk støtte hadde blitt skapt en samisk «frigjøringsbevegelse» som tok sikte på å løsrive «Norge sydover til Snåsa». Sovjetunionens mål var ifølge forfatteren å destabilisere Norge nok til at de kunne rykke inn med «politiaksjon» for å «beskytte en undertrykt minoritet.» Dette er et eksempel på samestat-konspirasjonsteorien, som i 1930-årene hadde ført til henrettelser i Sovjetunionen, og ei videreføring av vestlig frykt for Russlands bruk av minoriteter til å utbre sitt imperium. I øst som i vest tegna man opp skremmebilder av at samene kunne alliere seg med fienden for å få en egen stat.

— En kort introduksjon til samenes historie by Mikkel Berg-Nordlie (En kort introduksjon)

The contrast between consumer and producer identities points to two different ways of understanding the common good. One approach, familiar among economic policy makers, defines the common good as the sum of everyone’s preferences and interests. According to this account, we achieve the common good by maximizing consumer welfare, typically by maximizing economic growth. If the common good is simply a matter of satisfying consumer preferences, then market wages are a good measure of who has contributed what. Those who make the most money have presumably made the most valuable contribution to the common good, by producing the goods and services that consumers want.

A second approach rejects this consumerist notion of the common good in favor of what might be called a civic conception. According to the civic ideal, the common good is not simply about adding up preferences or maximizing consumer welfare. It is about reflecting critically on our preferences—ideally, elevating and improving them—so that we can live worthwhile and flourishing lives. This cannot be achieved through economic activity alone. It requires deliberating with our fellow citizens about how to bring about a just and good society, one that cultivates civic virtue and enables us to reason together about the purposes worthy of our political community.

— The Tyranny of Merit by Michael Sandel

A few drinks and I begin to appreciate Josh because he is so very attentive. This is a form of flattery that is most convincing, particularly at a party. When I was fourteen I discovered that boys would fall in love with me if listened to everything they said. A strong sense of integrity prohibited me from continuing this form of seduction. And, in addition to integrity, there was the problem of having to continue to listen to them.

— Weird Fucks by Lynne Tillman (Page 104 - 105)

It is well known—at least, it is well known to witches—that all colonies of bees are, as it were, just one part of the creature called the Swarm, in the same way that individual bees are component cells of the hivemind. Granny didn’t mingle her thoughts with the bees very often, partly because insect minds were strange, alien things that tasted of tin, but mostly because she suspected that the Swarm was a good deal more intelligent than she was.

— Equal Rites by Pu lai qi (Pratchett, Terry), Peter Serafinowicz, Indira Varma (Narrator), and 1 other